Sahner (149) asserted that the practice of asceticism was also specific to individuals, groups, or religions, such as a Nazirite avoiding wine (individual), early Christians fasting before Easter (groups), or Muslims avoiding pork because it is unclean. Meawad (19) agreed with the above claims, stating that ascetic abstention from food also took different forms, such as general during periodic fasting, or particular when the individual, group or religion chose to avoid a specific type of drink or food, such as the refusal to eat meat among the Jews during specific occasions, or Muslims avoiding to eatpork.Harvey (18) added that abstention from material goods was also distinguished between common use and private ownership.
Loosely-Leeming (18) established that irrespective of the manner in which asceticism was practiced, it was always meaningful to the practitioner, in that the meaning varied from one individual to the next or from one person to the next, depending on the social context in which it was practiced. Deezia (85) supported the above claims, stating that some individuals practiced asceticism for the purposes of expressing humility, such as a Hasmonean soldier praying before going into battle. This means that the value and prevalence of ascetic practices depended on the cultural and societal context in which they were undertaken and the level of reverence or piety the practitioners expected to obtain or the desired outcome. Papaconstantinou (75) added that both holy books of the Christians (Holy Bible) and Muslims (Holy Qura’n) documented teachings and examples of where, when, and how certain ascetic abstention was practiced, and the value as well as expected outcome achieved from each practice.